By Gréte Dalmi

ISBN-10: 9027233543

ISBN-13: 9789027233547

This comparative syntactic examine claims that contract is the main important useful type accountable for licensing predication in finite, non-finite and small clauses alike. fascinating syntactic phenomena like Icelandic infinitival predicates taking non-nominative (quirky) topics; psych-impersonal and modal predicates in Italian, Hungarian and Russian; meteorological predicates, existential clauses, post-verbal and null topics within the so-called null-subject VSO languages can all be higher analyzed via an idea of predication that's heavily on the topic of AGRP, manifesting subject-verb contract. The overt contract marking in Hungarian and Portuguese infinitival clauses extra strengthens this view. Obviation and control subjunctive clauses within the Balkan languages, Welsh finite and non-finite infinitival clauses in addition to case-marked secondary predicates in Icelandic, Slovak, Hungarian, Russian and Finnish additionally lend help to an research the place the [+pred] characteristic is checked in AGRP.

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Since the latter exclude split antecedents entirely, we would expect PRO to do the same. " (M & R 1997) In fact, these sentences show that PRO has properties that make it fun­ damentally different from reflexives and other anaphors, and that control relation cannot be reduced to anaphoric binding. Another piece of evidence in support of this comes from anaphoric binding in the class of predicates that shift their semantic type between transitive and intransitive: (i) Anaphoric binding (17a) Johni himself wanted [to curse].

Remember that in this model, aspectual structure (event structure) is directly mapped onto syntax. Hence, the thematic features (or aspectual features) carried by the verb, are directly associated with surface structural positions. The E(vent)Measurer) thematic feature corresponds to the object position, the OR(iginator) thematic feature corresponds to the subject position, through checking the aspectual features of the verbal head in INFL: (14) John INFL [VOR [MarykissedEM]]. These thematic features move covertly, and their movement is triggered by Attract.

In languages where object agreement is triggered by the presence of some overt features of the object NP, and no object agreement takes place in the absence of these features, it seems justifiable to assume that the locus of checking the object features is AGRoP. The so-called Null Case Theory of PRO in Control infinitival clause complements (Martin 1992, 1996, 1999, 2001) will be discarded both on theoretical and empirical grounds. It will be shown that it is possible to give a unified analysis of finite and non-finite predication, including small clauses, in TWO THEORIES OF PREDICATION WITHOUT AGRP 35 models similar to those outlined in Rivero (1994), Rizzi (1997) and Sigurðsson (2002a,b), where AGRP has a predominant role.

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The Role of Agreement in Non-Finite Predication by Gréte Dalmi


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